As capitalism expanded in the 19th century so also did the workers movement, and at the beginning of the 20th century a mass international movement, the Second International, linked workers movements in many of the European powers. That international movement began to diverge, with leading figures arguing for reformism – that is, that the power of the workers movement could successfully transform capitalism into socialism – with a minority opposing this policy and arguing for the revolutionary transformation of society. (read more)
There is an intimate connection between the rise of the working-class movement in Ireland, the growth of demands for national self-determination and the rise of the struggle for women's rights. Certainly, of the three areas, the rights of women have proved a litmus test, mirroring the rise and fall of struggle. In the century of Irish partition, they have mostly measured, through savage repression, the failure of democratic and socialist goals. (read more)
The struggle for an Irish democracy is defined by the heroism of the Easter rebellion of 1916. However, behind the banner of revolution the period before and during the rising, including the 1913 lockout, involved extreme class struggle and widely divergent goals held by the different forces. (read more)
Insofar as the words imperialism and colonialism figure in political discourse in Ireland today they are seen as referencing the distant past. We have moved on to a place where only culture and identity are important, the ancient enemy is now our best friend and Sinn Fein leaders offer paeans of praise to the British Royal family. (read more)
Irish unionism was always a diverse coalition united in their opposition to democracy. At the very top stood the landed aristocracy, essentially a part of the British ruling class. Below was the Anglo Irish; the Church of Ireland, the state bureaucracy, police, military and so on. The whole edifice was held together by the British state forces. (read more)
James Connolly saw partition as ushering in; "a carnival of reaction". He was proved right. Religious sectarianism was a common feature of the major British industrial cities, partially overcome by the Labour movement. The North went from a state within which sectarianism was a major force to becoming a sectarian state - actually defined by counting the Protestants and operated by assigning a lesser level of citizenship to Catholics. (read more)
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